Lost family histories: the slave lists


Among the many injustices arising from slavery that persist today is the loss of family heritage for the descendants of slaves. While it might be possible to trace an individual ancestor back to slavery, it is often difficult to go further back than that. DNA studies can provide an insight into where in Africa an individual's ancestors originated, and they can give a broader picture of the impact of slavery at a population level, but for individual family trees, an individual enslaved person is often a genealogical dead end.

After the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, Britain adopted an ostentatiously virtuous position in policing slave traders and requiring its slave colonies to document whether their enslaved workers were born in Jamaica or in Africa. The list for John Tharp's Potosi estate from 1817 begins:

Names                                    Colour                   Age        African or Creole              Remarks
Adam                                      Negro                    43             Creole                           Son of Chloe
Abraham                                 Negro                    46             African
Anthony                                   Negro                    33            African
Atta                                          Negro                    51            African
Alexander McBean                  Mulatto                  20            Creole
Bacchus                                   Negro                   49             African
Bob                                          Negro                    27            Creole                            Son of Amba

Men and teenage boys were listed first, then women and teenage girls, followed by the names of younger children.

These lists had to be kept up to date, and updates from 1820, 1823, 1826 and 1832 list ‘increases’, largely through birth, and ‘decreases’, largely through death. For example, the Potosi update from 1823 reads:

           Name        Colour    Age     African                 Remarks              Increase               Decrease
                                                      or Creole                                            and cause             and cause
                                                                                                                   thereof                   thereof

           Charley     Mulatto  10mo     Creole                   Pamelia                 Born                      Died
           Ben           Negro       2         Creole                   Esther                    Born
           Cudjoe      Negro       1         Creole                   Kitty                       Born
           Abraham   Negro       3         Creole                                                                               Died
           Adam        Negro     47         Creole                   Chloe                                                   Died

When he was in England, Tharp's agents sent him inventories for estates he was considering buying and updates on births and deaths for the estates he already owned. These lists are generally less comprehensive than the later registers, but they provide additional information for the earlier period between 1795 and 1803.

Only 21 individuals on John Tharp's estates (less than 0.5% of the 4039 total) were bought between 1817 and 1832, of whom five were given in exchange for another enslaved person's freedom. In comparison, the same period saw 947 births registered on the estates, representing more than 23% of all the individuals listed. 

This may not have been typical of Jamaican slave plantations in general, but  it indicates that John Tharp's estates were being worked by relatively stable communities. The trustees who were managing them after 1804 were entitled to payment and expenses without reference to productivity, which gave them little incentive to seek additions to the existing enslaved workforce.  

Although none of the information in the lists is 100% dependable, they do document the small and relatively enclosed communities of the ten separate Tharp estates across a 37-year period. By cross-referring between the lists for each estate, it's possible to collate information about individuals and families. 

For example, the death of a man called Adam was recorded in 1823, and his age estimated as 47. The Adam in the register from 1817 (shown above) would have been 49 years old by then, but the disparity in age is small enough that they could be the same person. No other Adam was listed in 1817 and the information about his colour, place of birth and mother's name (Chloe) all match, so in all probability, this is the same Adam.

In the 1817 list, Chloe was also listed as the mother of Sukey, John Brown (also known as George), Helen Brown and Margaret, who were born on the Potosi estate between 1775 and 1797. Because no other Chloe of the right age to be their mother was listed, it's reasonable to assume that these were Adam's siblings. 

Chloe was born in Jamaica and her age was estimated as 53 in 1817, which would have made her 11 when the first child, Sukey, was born. Since all the ages are rough estimates, she may have been a few years older when she had Sukey. 

Samuel Robertson aka Robert (b. 1798), Humphrey (b. 1801) and Daphne (b. 1805), had a mother called Sukey, so they all appear to have been Chloe's grandchildren.

Edward Wickwire was born in 1810 and George Henry (who was described as Mulatto) in 1812. Their mother was named as Eleanor, though no woman of that name was listed in the 1817 slave register for the estate. There was also no Ellen, Elena or Helena, so Helen Brown is the closest match. However, it's also possible that Edward and George's mother was recorded under another name in 1817 or that she had died before that date. For that reason, the relationship is marked with a question mark in the family tree.

Maryann was born in 1816, Agnes in 1819 and Eliza in 1821. All three had a white father and a mother called Margaret, but Chloe's daughter was not the only Margaret on the Potosi estate who was old enough to be their mother. Kitty Brack (b. 1796) was also known as Margaret, so it's not certain that these three girls were Chloe's granddaughters. Agnes's mother was named as Margaret Smith, but I haven't found either woman documented with that surname.

Chloe's family tree is reasonably straightforward so far, but there is one more child who might belong to it. Susan Stuart was born in 1831, to a mother called Margaret Stuart. No woman called Margaret Stuart is included under that name in the 1817 register or in later returns for the estate, but by 1831, there were five more Margarets on Potosi: 17-year-old Margaret Morison, 15-year-old Margaret McBean, a 14-year-old and 11-year-old listed without surnames whose mothers were Chance and Lettice respectively, and five-year-old Margaret Murray, the daughter of Mary McBean. 

We can discount little Margaret Murray and, one would hope, the 11 year old, but Susan Stuart's mother could theoretically have been any one of the other Margarets. Chloe's daughter Margaret, by then 34 years old, or Kitty Brack/Margaret, by then 35, could also have been known as Margaret Stuart later in their lives, since last names could change. These possibilities are reflected in the family tree below. 

Also included in the family tree, with question marks to indicate uncertainty are Katey (b. 1818), whose mother was named as Dappney, and Cynthia (b. 1822), whose mother was Daphne. Sukey's Daphne would have been only 13 and 17 when these children were born and there was another woman of the same name on the estate who was born in 1794. She would have been 24 and 28 when these children were born.



You might need to download this diagram to see the detail, but it will be obvious that it doesn't look like a conventional family tree. There are no fathers and sometimes there's more than one possible mother. Dates are missing for some individuals, and some relationships are tentative. Because the evidence is patchy and confusing, some of the trees that emerge from it are confusing too. I'm going to publish family trees one a day, starting on Christmas day, until I've completed all ten estates (Sign up here to subscribe), but if you're thinking of using these in your own family history research, I'd advise you to take them as suggestions of possibilities rather than definitive accounts. They could be useful in two main ways: as a starting point for further research or as a framework on which to hang (or by which to make sense of) information you already have from other sources. 

Using the information in the slave lists, I've been able to find possible family connections for about two thirds of the individuals listed on John Tharp's estate. Most often they only cover two generations, but sometimes they extend across three or four and often they take a family back to a female ancestor born in Africa. While these family trees are only as good as the information they rely on, they might provide a starting point for further genealogical research for the families of the people who John Tharp enslaved. Conclusive documentary evidence may not exist, but DNA matches might confirm some of these relationships.

Comments

  1. Here's the next instalment, about one of John Tharp's descendants:

    https://mysteriousgrandmother.blogspot.com/2024/01/theodore-augustus-tharp-soldier-author.html

    ReplyDelete

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